Grant walden whyalla

Scroll for more. His advice is comprehensive and helpful, and with tax time coming up, his tips can make a world of difference to your tax return.

Walden says. It is this kind of advice and knowledge of the tax system that makes Mr. That is based upon an overview of the two linguist experts and the analysis below about whether there were separate and different societies or one society. They divide themselves again into two smaller tribes, viz. Wambirri yurarri, i. They are: - iata, North East coast and country worrtatti, South East country wailbi, South West country wayalla, North Western, and Northern country They use entirely different words to express the directions of the winds.

They visited the other sections of the tribe for meetings, for trade and marriage. By , Hercus and Gara appeared to have refined this theory and introduced a hypothesis of identifiable sub- groups: Moonie Davis [a Barngarla man, said] that there were three Barngarla dialects, which he differentiated as Nyawa Barngarla, Banggarla [sic] and Arrabarngarla. The Banggarla, according to Moonie, lived in the southern Flinders Ranges and the country north of Port Augusta, and Arrabarngarla country was down the eastern side of Eyre Peninsula.

Dr Rose comes to the same general conclusion in his Report at [22], [24] and [59], that these various groupings are merely geographical or dialectal indicators, not social units.

The ethnography on the issue from other groups suggests, in my opinion, that these localised dialectal groups were the primary land using and land owning group. Therefore, it is in my opinion incorrect to state that they had little social or political significance. In general [in Aboriginal Australia], with some well known exceptions, the primary land owning group was a descent group or clan … that had an enduring membership, while a land using group was [merely] a band of fellow-campers … [I]n a mobile hunter-gatherer society the two categories of owners v users are never likely to be the same.

The lands they own, their estates, are thus the usual building blocks for wider territorially-associated entities such as dialect groups and environmental typifier groups and groups defined in terms of the cardinal directions. The weight of the expert opinions thus clearly favours the view that the various labels applied to different segments of the Barngarla people that appear in the literature were not land-holding groups or primary social units.

I am satisfied that the shared view of Dr Martin and Professor Sutton is the correct one. Mr McCaul did not forcefully press a contrary view during the concurrent evidence. I have made some general observations about the expert evidence later in these reasons.

Howitt, A. Elkin and Otto Seibert. This entity was divided into smaller and named groups living in a defined portion of the tribal country, and these again were subdivided until what Howitt saw as the basic residence unit was reached; one, or perhaps a few, families hunting and gathering on their own particular inherited area.

The essential model is one of named clans linked together in regional associations. Land tenure system The above finding of the probable existence of estate groups in at-sovereignty Barngarla society leads inexorably to considerations of land tenure. Second, how were those rights or interests acquired? T, l6 Next, it is not contentious that Barngarla rights to land were at sovereignty inalienable.

Professor Sutton stated in his Report at [34]: … Barngarla country, under the rules of its people, is nowhere described as a chattel that can be marketed or gifted but is, at least by implication, inalienable.

My mura-mura created it. My mura-mura lived here. But there is very little direct evidence that Barngarla society shared the land tenure system the Dieri called pintara. In oral evidence, Mr McCaul drew attention to some scant direct evidence to support that inference: …[W]e do have in the s A. Elkin and Tindale recording both … matriary [sic] and patriary [sic] totems for four or five Barngarla individuals and again in or so Luise Hercus is recording Stanley Davis [a Barngarla man] talking about totem and … what his totem is.

And so I would from that infer that it was an important feature of Barngarla society in the past. T, ll Elkin recorded the following details from conversations with Barngarla informants about the Barngarla land tenure system at … I found that the Wailpi and Yadliaura [tribes now commonly referred to collectively as the Adnyamathanha people] used to have the [Dieri] pintara type of totem which they called budlanda, and that the present Pankala [sic] men knew all about this form of totemism and though that budlanda ceremonies must have been performed by the Pankala in the past, though not in their own time.

I so find. For instance, Mr McCaul wrote in his Anthropology Report at []: In my opinion, based on the limited information that we have, it is a plausible hypothesis that the traditional Barngarla system of land tenure looked very similar to that of the Dieri, i.

T I would therefore find on the balance of probabilities that totemic institutions did exist in some form within the Barngarla society at sovereignty. Moieties existed in many classical Aboriginal societies. Dr Haines maintained in his Report that it had done so.

He has now resiled from that view, and so the experts unanimously agree that Barngarla society had moieties at the time of sovereignty AS, []. The distinction is kept up by the children taking invariably the appellation of that class to which their mother belongs.

There is not an instance of two Mattiri or Karraru being married, although they do not seem to consider less virtuous connections between parties of the same class incestuous. Later anthropologists such as Elkin found this to be the case in other Lakes Group societies: The moiety organization functions in initiation and burial ceremonies, in marriage, in a system of adjusting differences, called kopara, in various secret matters, and in camping arrangements.

Along with those distinctive ways of categorising people as being the same or similar usually go a brace of norms of behaviour between kin and those norms are affected by the degree of distance between the pairs of people involved.

Dr Martin and Professor Sutton argued that the Barngarla kinship system would have been fundamentally important to the at- sovereignty society, not the present day one.

What can be said is that it existed, that it was complex, and that, given its importance in other like Aboriginal societies, it more likely than not played an important role in the regulation of conduct and the laying down of normative rules in the Barngarla society, perhaps incorporating, but going beyond, the mere prevention of incest.

Professor Sutton concluded that, while such marriages may well have been commonplace at sovereignty, it was unlikely that marrying outside the Barngarla group was considered a normative imperative. Professor Sutton believed that such a taboo could be presumed to have existed in Barngarla society at sovereignty, as it is an element of almost every human society. However, at one point, Elkin does refer to cross-cousin marriage when discussing Wailpi Adnyamathanha and Pankala Barngarla kinship terms, perhaps suggesting that the Barngarla did permit cross-cousin marriage.

That was not in dispute at the hearing in this matter. In summary, there were three degrees of initiation through which each male youth must pass. The first initiation took place at about the age of At the ceremony, initiated men gave the initiates a number of precepts for his future conduct.

The second initiation ceremony involved significant events. The title pardnapa was bestowed upon the initiate after this ceremony had been completed. The initiate would become a wilyalkinyi upon completion of the ceremony.

It should be noted that it is broadly consistent with the initiation rituals of other Lakes Group societies, particularly the Adnyamathanha. They concerned the gradual revelation of such information and its meaning over a period of several years.

On the subject of the importance of initiation rites to the Barngarla people, he opined in his Report at [31] that: … [T]here are a number of other aspects of societal norms that are far more fundamental to the lawful relation of Aboriginal people to country as property than initiations The nature of the rites was significant and formalised, and it seems more likely that the initiation rites also served as an important means of transmission of cultural, and social knowledge or more accurately eligibility to be the recipient of more confined cultural and social knowledge.

My hypothesis on the basis of information from other areas would be that these ceremonies are likely to have brought together members of various language groups.

So one would find, for instance, that as Schurmann noted, Kokatha visited Barngarla for ceremonial purposes. He searched for them for a long time, finally finding them and killing them at Cape Catastrophe, where they turned to stone, together with their children, and now stand as rocks and islands in that area. Pulyallana was raised into the sky at a place now known as Point Sir Isaac, where in his anger at his wives, he now creates thunder and lightning.

Two renowned hunters, Pilla and Indya, tracked Kupirri from near Port Lincoln along a range stretching north. They caught him, and, finding him asleep, attacked. Their spears became blunt before they could kill him, sparking a fight between Pilla and Indya.

They attacked each other, before resolving their differences and finally killing Kupirri. Pilla and Indya then became the opossum and native cat, the scars of their wounds from their fight giving those animals their distinctive markings. The locality of this story suggests it is a Barngarla story. In so doing, they created the sand hills between Coffin and Sleaford Bays.

Again, the locality of this story suggests it may be a Nauo story. In retribution, Welu tried to kill all the Nauo. He killed all the men except two, Karatantya and Yangkunu, identified with two species of hawk, who climbed up a tree to escape. This leads to a tradition by which women kill male lizards, and men, female lizards. It is tempting to speculate that at least some of these stories were mura- mura stories of a kind found elsewhere in the Lakes Group that associated a particular ancestor with a particular place.

It is clear that the anthropologists, particularly Potter and Jacobs, considered that this story was a Barngarla story. The Moon is sometimes associated with them, but less benevolently than in the version told to us. The Urumbula story appears to be chiefly an Arrernte story, or at least it is the Arrernte who have retained the most of the story and associated songs, which were recorded by the anthropologist TGH Strehlow in the s.

The story tells of the travels of native cat ancestors, searching for the source of objects that had fallen from the sky. The native cat ancestors took the pole from the local totemic ancestors and carried it to central Australia. The Urumbula story has been recorded by various anthropologists — generally, a group only knows those parts of the story that occur on its country. Given that part of the story lies in Barngarla country, it is likely that Barngarla people knew something of this story.

Ethno-musicologist Cath Ellis obtained detailed information about the story at Port Augusta in the s, but did not record the identity of her informants. A pit about five feet in depth, and only four feet in length, was dug. On the bottom some dry grass was spread, and on this the body was laid with legs bent upwards.

The head was placed towards the west, a custom that I am informed is always observed, and is founded in their belief that the soul goes to an island in the east. The body is covered with a kangaroo skin, and strong sticks are placed lengthways over the mouth of the grave, one end being stuck in the earth a little below the surface, and the other resting on the opposite edge of the grave.

On these the earth is put so as to leave a vacuum between them and the body and to form a mound of earth over the grave. A few branches or bushes thrown carelessly round the mound complete the simple ceremony. Further, a large number of native plants would be gathered by Barngarla people, predominantly women.

Sometimes tactics would be employed, such as one hunter causing a distraction, while another strikes; a group of hunters chasing animals to a spot where other hunters are hidden; a hunter running after a kangaroo until it is too tired to go on; or a hunter smoking out an animal hiding in a hole.

No mention is made of the existence of any canoes or other watercraft. Other times, certain kinds of fish attracted to light were caught at night by lighting torches from long pieces of bark on the shore.

When the fur was well-singed if the animal was unskinned , the animal is taken off the fire and generally given to the women and children first. The wallaby and particular species of bandicoot should be avoided by young men and women because it will cause discoloured beards and premature menstruation respectively.

The goanna and lizard should be eaten by girls to accelerate maturity, and snakes by women to promote fertility. The only issue of contention that arises with regard to this topic is the use of fish traps by Barngarla people.

As such, it is reasonable to make the inference that Dr Haines made, that these fish traps are Barngarla fish traps, and that Barngarla people must have used fish traps at sovereignty. Trade There is very scant evidence to support the notion that the Barngarla traded with other societies at sovereignty. Exchanges — [generally in classical Aboriginal Australia] the whole society was riddled with forms of exchange of one kind or another.

You could make a fair assumption that that happened [in the case of the Barngarla]. Parachilna is not in the Barngarla claim area. In my view, there is no evidence sufficient to conclude that any trade occurred between the Barngarla and other groups at sovereignty. However, I do not think it is correct to take the step of concluding that the Barngarla society at sovereignty had as one of its traditional laws and customs the bartering of items of value to them for other items from other tribal groups.

As to songs, there is very little evidence of any songs used for ceremonial purposes at sovereignty. For instance: the first-born child, if a male, is named Piri; if a female, Kartanya. The second, if a boy, Warri; if a girl Warruyu, and so on to the number of six or seven names for either sex.

However, it is appropriate to record my view on the basis of it that there was, at sovereignty, a group of people known as the Barngarla people who were bound together by language and by their traditional law and customs, passed on from generation to generation.

Those traditional laws and customs operated as a normative system. They reflect in a general way the claimed native title rights and interests which the present Barngarla people now claim, except for the asserted right to trade. Again, that is a matter discussed later in these reasons. This section has been adapted from the submissions of the applicant and State, and is largely uncontentious.

Only documentary evidence was proffered in relation to this issue. At first, only flour and blankets were distributed from Port Lincoln, and there were no other ration stations in the claim area. Further pastoral leases were soon established in the area. Its first inhabitants were eleven Aboriginal people from Adelaide. Later, adults from Port Lincoln were also sent to Poonindie. Poonindie had a troubled history, and it was closed in By , there were three ration depots in or near the claim area — at Port Lincoln, Franklin Harbour, and Venus Bay, along with the Poonindie Mission.

They gave food and clothing to Aboriginal people, and were generally run by Sub-Protectors or police. A drought in South Australia from to is said to have exacerbated the displacement of Aboriginal people from their traditional lands that European settlement had set in motion. It is clear that many Aboriginal people from the Eyre Peninsula resided at this mission at various times. The State highlights some relevant excerpts from local newspapers from the s through to the s which mention Aboriginal people living in or passing through Port Lincoln, Streaky Bay, Franklin Harbour, and the Gawler Ranges.

It was around this time that many of the apical ancestors to this claim were born. In , Ms Agars passed away. At about the same time , anthropologist Norman Tindale conducted genealogical research at, inter alia, Point Pearce Mission and Koonibba Mission established in near Ceduna , which indicated that Barngarla people were living at both those missions. He also visited Aboriginal camps at Port Augusta and found Barngarla people living there too. The State notes that through the late s and early s, documentary evidence suggests that Kokatha and Wirangu people from Koonibba Mission situated just to the west of the claim area left that mission seeking work, which led to at least some settling within the claim area, in particular at Port Lincoln.

Some of these Aboriginal people are relatives or ancestors of the present-day Barngarla claimants. Photographs obtained by Muriel Wingfield also depict many relatives of present-day claimants living on various parts of the claim area such as Iron Knob, Minnipa, Port Augusta and Whyalla.

In ethnologist Charles Mountford interviewed the Barngarla man Percy Richards, an apical ancestor of the Barngarla people, who was living in Nepabunna. However, further changes in Aboriginal affairs quickly followed with the granting of the right to vote to Aboriginal people in and the establishment of a Commonwealth Department of Aboriginal Affairs in Those challenges include introduced disease and displacement.

Particularly, in the region of Port Lincoln, those challenges — as media reports indicate — really confronted the ongoing survival of Barngarla people and their ongoing relationship with that land. I have discussed that issue later in these reasons. However, despite those media reports, I think it is clear that a group of people known as Barngarla people have continued to exist, and as I later find have continued to exist as a society bound together by the traditional laws and customs which existed at sovereignty.

Inevitably, the exposure to European settlement and the benefits of better social and health systems and education and, of course, increased mobility has meant that those traditional laws and customs have evolved in response to those societal pressures or opportunities. But I do not think the consequence is that the laws and customs which now bind the Barngarla people the present claim group as no longer traditional. Indeed, it would be a little ironic, if not sad, that the changes induced by European society might have simply destroyed the traditional laws and customs binding the societal group that existed at settlement, or the society at all, however well meaning were the changes or the policies underlying them.

I have reached that view despite recognised difficulty of identifying the full extent of the normative system which existed at settlement, and despite the fact that some of the normative rules and practices which existed or may have existed at sovereignty are no longer practised or known. I have also reached that view, cognisant of the alternative thesis put forward by the State that whatever Barngarla society existed at settlement no longer exists because there has been no continuity of the normative rules and customs which bound that society together, because European settlement and its consequences over time during the twentieth century simply caused that society to cease to exist as a group bound by their pre-settlement normative system of rules and customs.

He is the son of Elva Richards and a Norwegian man. Fred Richards was identified by Howard Richards as a Wirangu man. When he was about 14, he and his brothers and sisters were taken from his family by a government officer to Port Lincoln, where they were transported to Adelaide.

When he was about 17, he was able to leave the boys home to work. He worked in Adelaide and Meadows before getting a job in Elliston, where he was able to see his family again. Howard later spent time in Western Australia where he met and married a Western Australian Aboriginal woman, Isabel Sambo, with whom he had five children. Howard later lived variously at Port Lincoln, Kimba and Kalgoorlie.

He now lives at Ikkata Farm, which is apparently roughly 20 km northwest out of Port Lincoln. He was one of twelve children. Brandon spent his childhood living at Mt Ive Station just outside the claim area, in the Gawler Ranges and then at Minnipa just inside the western part of the claim area. Brandon McNamara now lives in the town of Port Lincoln. Like Howard, Elizabeth was taken from her family, though much younger, when she was about 5. She was taken by boat from Port Lincoln to Adelaide. There, she was fostered out.

She returned home to Port Lincoln when she was Apart from that interlude, she has lived at Port Lincoln most of her life, and currently lives there.

Evelyn Dohnt was brought up by foster parents, and so was unaware of her Barngarla ancestry. She discovered this ancestry through a chance meeting at her work in Aboriginal health with a daughter of Howard Richards. She met her biological family at a family reunion in , and has since moved to Port Lincoln. Her parents were Brenton Richards and Devina Sambo. Vera has spent most of her life in Port Lincoln, except for a few years living in Kalgoorlie, and a few years in Alice Springs.

She presently lives in Port Lincoln. She was born on 19 January at Iron Knob in the bush. She identifies as a Barngarla woman. She was born on 21 April in Wudinna within the claim area. She lived in Minnipa, then Kimba. She married Keith Smith at age Keith Smith passed away in He was born on 18 April at Port Lincoln. His mother was a Wirangu woman, but he identifies as Barngarla, through his father.

Brandon grew up in Port Lincoln before moving to Kalgoorlie with his first wife Marcia Coleman, with whom he had a daughter. They are now separated, and Brandon presently lives in Whyalla. Troy works with an Aboriginal mining company at Iron Knob and in Perth. Her parents were Bob and Edna Dare nee Davis. Maureen grew up mainly at Iron Knob and Port Augusta. She was taken by the government and placed at Umeewarra Mission.

Later in life, she was placed with a farming family at Melrose outside the claim area as a domestic. She then attended Bible College, where she met her husband, and they eventually settled back in Port Augusta.

Simon Dare identifies as a Barngarla man. Simon lived in Port Augusta and at nearby Umeewarra Mission as a child. He would also often go to Iron Knob. Harry Dare identifies as a Barngarla man.

When he was 15 he left Adelaide to attend school in Whyalla, and then work there. He currently works at Roxby Downs, which he regards as Barngarla country. When she was about five she was taken from her family by the government and placed in Adelaide institutions and foster homes over about nine years.

She then returned to Port Augusta to her family. Ms Dare passed away before the hearing of this matter, but her affidavit was received into evidence. From about the age of two, Linda Dare lived at Umeewarra Mission. At some stage when she was still very young, she was put into a foster home in Adelaide. When she was about five, she returned to her mother who was then living in Broken Hill. They then moved to Port Augusta, and then to Melbourne.

When Linda Dare was about 15, she returned to Port Augusta, where she has lived ever since. His parents were Andrew Davis and Ivy Page. Andrew Davis was a son of Arthur Davis, an apical ancestor of this claim Andrew Davis is himself also an apical ancestor. He would visit Port Augusta to see family. He was married for 40 years and for that time lived mainly in Alice Springs. He remains resident in Port Augusta. Her mother was Grace Coulthard, who was not a Barngarla woman.

Her father was Andrew Richards, the son of Percy Richards, who is identified as a Barngarla man, and who was the brother of Susie Richards and the son of Dick Richards, all Barngarla people. He was a brother of Lorraine Briscoe. He grew up in the Wilpena Pound area. He lived in Port Augusta at the time he made his affidavit which has been received as evidence in this proceeding. Randolph passed away before the hearing of this matter.

Leroy identified as both Adnyamathanha and Barngarla. Leroy was the brother of Lorraine Briscoe, and thus the grandson of Percy Richards. Leroy passed away before the hearing of this matter, but his affidavit was received into evidence. She eventually became a teacher and then a principal at Nepabunna.

There she met Leroy Richards, who she subsequently married. After their marriage, Leroy and Rosalie remained at Nepabunna, then moved to Winkie in the Riverland region of South Australia outside the claim area. In the intra-school examinations conducted on Friday last, the following children gained first, second third place in their The secretary of Whyalla Institute Mr.

Smith has advised that large supplies of new for the Institute library are Andrews Hall on Saturday. There was a sprinkling of the tartans, the sound of the pipes and the Whyalla will probably be losing Miss T. Baddams, senior mistress at Whyalla Technical High School. Miss Baddams has been offered the A special general meeting was held at the Institute on Thursday. October 26, to give members the opportunity to bring forward any Tilly David, an aboriginal woman an was sitting in the Ozone theatre on Saturday night.

Constable Tillbrook informed her that she The sudden death of Mr. Richard S. Mills has removed one of the outstanding personalities of Ash and Iron Baron districts.

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